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The intended audience for this volume is a wide-ranging variety of scholars from different fields and disciplines. The volume should appeal to historians and literary scholars of colonial Latin America, early modern Spain and Portugal, and the Iberian Asia-Pacific; historians of early modern and Enlightenment science; and historians of medicine.
It will also provide valuable comparative information and analysis for scholars of European imperialism and colonialism in general from the end of the fifteenth to beginning of the nineteenth century, but particularly scholars of the British empire. In its recognition of the social construction of science, the link between knowledge and power, and the role of knowledge in the formation of colonial identities, this volume, we believe, will also interest scholars from a variety of disciplines, including sociology and philosophy of science, cultural, postcolonial and subaltern studies, and cultural and medical anthropology.
In addition to its appeal to specialists, the book is also intended for use in the classroom, for both upper-level undergraduate and graduate students in the fields identified above. Its chapters can be used to teach many different undergraduate and graduate courses, including courses in world history, Latin American and European history, history of science, technology, medicine, Latin American and European studies, and comparative colonialism.
The group is interdisciplinary, including authors from the fields of history, history of science, art history, and literature; it is also international, bringing together scholars based in the United States, Europe, and Latin America. We believe the heterogeneity of the group reflects the richness of the topic and of the scholarship currently being produced in a burgeoning field. Preface xxi The volume is divided into four parts, designed to address significant themes and methodologies that have emerged in a variety of disciplines, including the history and philosophy of science; Latin American, Atlantic World, and Pacific Rim history; as well as literary, cultural, subaltern, and postcolonial studies.
Chief among these themes, and related to each of the parts, is a general assessment of Iberian science in terms of its crucial yet undervalued influence on the development of the western scientific tradition in the early modern period.
These three authors emphasize the contribution of interdisciplinary studies in promoting better understanding of scientific activities in the Iberian world.
This theme is taken up in two separate but complementary sections of the volume. In this vision, no single region is privileged at the expense of others in terms of the legitimacy or primacy of its scientific tradition. The final portion of the volume deals with the practicalities of empire.
Yet xxii Preface they also examine the role of intellectual inquiry, exchange, and representation that was involved in this activity. As a group, the essays have several underlying goals and assumptions that unite them.
First, they aim to challenge traditional assumptions about the rise of early modern science by exploring and presenting new explanations concerning the nature of knowledge production, colonial hegemony, and the ways in which both power and knowledge move and transform in different contexts. These articles also recognize the political and economic motivations of the scientific enterprise in the colonial context. Finally, this collection proposes alternative ways of studying the development of science, calling for a new emphasis on the specificity of local factors in the construction of knowledge.
Acknowledgments A book that was as long in the making as this one cannot help but acquire numerous debts of gratitude to those who helped make it possible. Not only did he agree to chair our panel on science in the Spanish empire at the Latin American Studies Association meeting in Dallas, Texas, but when we approached him with our idea to bring together scholars in the field for an anthology on Iberian colonial science, he was also very encouraging and agreed to write the introduction to the volume.
In addition to his groundbreaking scholarship in Iberian science, Jorge has thus played an important role in mentoring a growing community of scholars in this field as well. We thank him for his advice and support. We also received aid from others along the way. William Taylor, Paula Findlen, and Susan Deans-Smith generously agreed to review the proposal and provide valuable feedback, and they have been similarly encouraging of the project from the outset.
Norris Pope at Stanford University Press has provided excellent editorial guidance and been responsive, communicative, and very supportive throughout each step of the publication process. Emily-Jane Cohen has been similarly efficient and conscientious. We could not have asked for a more positive experience in the publication process.
We would also like to gratefully acknowledge the generous subvention provided to help defray publication costs by Peter Mancall, director of the Early Modern Studies Institute at the University of Southern California, and Kenton Clymer, Chair of the History Department at Northern Illinois University.
And finally, we would like to thank all of the contributors to the volume. Not only have they provided here excellent examples of their scholarship, but they also have demonstrated collegiality and patience at every turn, and we have enjoyed the opportunity to collaborate with them. Cosmography and natural history were the backbone upon which the Portuguese and Spanish crowns built their mighty Christian monarchies.
The systematic gathering of information, plants, curiosities, and indigenous knowledges was a trademark of both empires. Textbooks on the history of Western Civilization rarely pause to ponder the role played by astronomy and cosmography in the fifteenth-century Iberian southward Atlantic expansion. Portuondo remind us in their essays.
As the Portuguese inched their way around the Cape of Good Hope with the help of cross-staffs, astrolabes, and compasses, they helped rewrite 2 Introduction history on a global scale.
The new maritime routes across the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean helped create new global economies. Contrary to common opinion, America did not yield gilded treasures but green ones: naturalists, doctors, apothecaries, and merchants helped identify new dyes, stimulants, pharmaceuticals, woods, and spices, creating new fortunes and economies across the Atlantic, as well as new forced migrations from Africa.
European merchants traded with their Asian peers using American silver, which was extracted largely with technologies first developed due to the painstaking experimentation of Iberian metallurgists and alchemists in the Peruvian and Mexican highlands.
The answer, to be sure, lies in age-old religious battles harking back to the Reformation. Under Philip II, Spain and Portugal became the leaders of the Catholic Reformation, a movement that sought to stall the spread of Protestantism in continental Europe and of the Ottomans in the Mediterranean.
An overstretched Spanish empire gradually bled itself white, and Protestant printers decisively won a propaganda campaign that cast Iberia as a land of murderous, rapacious conquerors, and benighted, zealous priests. Why were the Iberians unable to counter these claims? Surprisingly, the answer lies in the nature of Spanish and Portuguese print culture. The first to have suggested this was Alexander von Humboldt. Most essays are based on painstaking archival research.
Timothy Walker, for example, reconstructs the ways Portuguese naturalists and physicians drew upon the indigenous knowledge of Africans, Asians, and Native Americans.
His sources are six hitherto unpublished natural histories written in , , , , , and Antonio Barrera-Osorio reconstructs the massive sixteenth-century culture of Spanish empirical trials, digging up countless sources in archives. Paula De Vos identifies shipments of curiosities that naturalists and bureaucrats in the colonies sent to Madrid in the eighteenth century alone.
And the list goes on. It has taken the collective archival effort of generations of historians to be able to understand a few aspects of the role that science played in the Iberian colonial expansion. These efforts beg the question: Why would the Iberians let their collective efforts gather dust in archives? Anyone who has done work on the early modern Spanish empire has surely noticed that works often circulated in manuscript, not print. Portuondo in her dissertation has reminded us.
But in addition to a culture of bureaucratic secrecy, there seems to have been distrust in the media of print itself. As book historian Fernando Bouza has argued, early modern Spain was characterized by a lively scribal culture of manuscripts, the preferred means of circulating knowledge.
Yet they also paradoxically realized the importance of print culture to gaining the propaganda wars for prestige. From the evidence, it is clear that the Iberians badly lost these wars. The role of images in communication could also help explain the puzzling Iberian culture of print. In a nicely crafted essay in this volume, Daniela Bleichmar shows the sheer amount of botanical images that 4 Introduction circulated in the eighteenth-century Spanish empire.
The botanical expedition of Mutis alone completed 6, folio illustrations of plants. It has taken two centuries for some of these illustrations to be published. Curiously, of all the Enlightenment-age sciences, the Iberians excelled in one in particular: botany. It is true that the demands of empire put a premium on establishing monopolies of new agricultural commodities, thus promoting expeditions of all kinds.
For both the learned and the masses, the path to memory, piety, and the emotions began with images, not print. Their sole function was to keep up with the production of religious paintings and sculptures. The culture of the Iberian empires postulated that religious and secular knowledge was to be gained through the senses. Along with sounds, smells, and the choreographed motion of the theater, images and objects played key roles in this religious, empirical epistemology.
It should therefore not surprise us that, along with botanical illustrations, there was also a brisk demand for natural objects to collect, keep, exchange, and study, as Paula De Vos has marvelously documented. Perhaps one of the most important contributions of this volume is to remind readers of the particular religious culture in which the scientific practices of the Iberian empires flourished. Rodrigues Abreu was concerned with the alchemical origins of gold and was deeply aware of the religious, millenarian overtones of alchemy and Paracelsianism.
Adriana Romeiro for example, has described the plights and adventures of an Abreu counterpart: Pedro de Rates Henequin, who also thought that Paradise had originally been located in Minas Gerais.
For all their contributions, we still do not know the alchemical foundations of the millenarianism of these naturalists. He also laid the groundwork for a new city in the wilderness, New Jerusalem.
It is not surprising, therefore, that Quiros envisioned Philip III as a new Solomon whose New Jerusalem in the New Ophir that was Australia was the fulfillment of biblical prophecies, including the arrival of a new millennium. Pimentel argues that seventeenth-century Spanish natural history went beyond utilitarian, commercial goals; it was ultimately religious. Nieremberg was a Neoplatonist, not unlike Kircher, who found in nature a language of religious signs to be decoded.
Such messages pointed to occult sympathies, micro- and macrocosmic correspondences, and more important, narratives of human sin and Christian salvation. Yet it also belonged in a religious, cultural world that historians cannot afford to overlook. I am sure readers will enjoy the many learned contributions in this collection.
It is my hope that they will also be drawn into mental worlds that still remain largely uncharted. Its variety is infinite and the possibilities of new and important discoveries are unexhausted.
Rejected also is the traditional belief that Spain created an empire unaided. There is a new sensitivity to the perils of Eurocentrism and to unjustifiable relative neglect of the victims of colonization, sentiments encouraged by the now prevailing antipathy to imperialism. First, new interpretations have formed based on traditional empirical study of printed and—this noticeably increasing—archival sources. Second, new interpretations derived from radically new approaches to Ibero-American history are on the increase, inspired by disciplines outside of conventional history.
My survey attempts to illustrate and assess these trends by critical discussion of a selection of the more important publications. Many of these carry the logo of an institution sponsoring the quincentenary commemoration of the discovery of America. Of all the stimuli to recent research and publication in the field, nothing matched the motivating force of the quincentenary. We wanted some good monographs to record the revival of interest amongst Spaniards and Spanish Americans in our common past.
Professors, Spanish and non-Spanish, were hired to deliver courses on themes connected to the research and colloquia organized.
Awareness that this has potential for confusion provoked Mariano Peset, historian at the University of Valencia, to bring clarity from the outset to the proceedings of the Second International Congress on the History of Hispanic Universities, held in Valencia in The demands of transatlantic navigation had by then become acute: reliable charts, precise astronomical instruments to measure latitude and longitude, and the training of pilots.
But important work has appeared on later sixteenth-century efforts to achieve the same navigational goals. In he appointed the Valencian cosmographer Jaime Juan to undertake a variety of tasks in voyages to New Spain and the Philippines. The duties included supervision of pilots to see how their practices could be improved, teaching them to use navigational instruments, making maps in the Indies, and determining the latitude and longitude from lunar eclipses of localities in New Spain.
She discovered not only the manuscript in which Juan recorded his astronomical observations and calculations, along with astrological predictions, but other new documents as well that show how the operation was performed.
Gudiel made and installed the instrument used to observe the eclipse. On the relationship between science and navigation, see the chapters by Almeida and Sheehan in this volume. For a study of the Relaciones, see Barrera-Osorio in Chapter These were responses to formal questionnaires devised by officials of the Council of the Indies, questionnaires seeking precise information on the population of a locality, the status of Indians free or unfree , climate, disease, churches, fortresses, ports, plants, mines, and other matters of strategic and economic importance.
By the questionnaire, sent to all parts of Spanish America, had grown to questions. The replies depended on the knowledge of local Creoles and mestizos persons of mixed Spanish-Indian parentage. It is now acknowledged that when this mass of information arrived in Madrid from across the Atlantic, it was immediately put in the state archives and so failed to become the basis for government action.
A CSIC edition now not only publishes for the first time the variety of questionnaires but also becomes the indispensable guide for reading this 14 The Role of Iberia in Early Modern Science type of document.
Valencia never crossed the Atlantic, but he was fired with intense curiosity about the natural history of the New World. Indeed, as this new study shows, his interest led him to undermine the questionnaire that had been devised by the Count of Lemos, president of the Council of Indies. That reflected his belief that precious metals were a curse for Castile and misery for Indian mine workers.
Much important new light on this climactic botanical expedition and previous accounts of New World flora has come from the highly productive team of historians of medicine and science at Valencia University. As for Columbus himself, from the journal of his first voyage to communications on his fourth and final voyage, his news included scattered details on American flora. But Columbus was no naturalist.
As the authors show, his descriptions of species were imprecise and marred by false identification through his conviction that he was in the Far East.
Yet they demonstrate his considerable influence. That was ensured by the existence of other texts elsewhere. Arthur C Clark: Arthur C.
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